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The International Luxembourg Forum on Preventing Nuclear Catastrophe (ILF) has initiated a new project on establishing a Youth Group of the Forum. The Group will comprise of young professionals from different countries that have an understanding of, and interest in, the issues of arms control, nuclear non-proliferation and security. While the final composition of the Group has not yet been established, its first participants have already had a chance to meet and work together within the framework of the annual ILF Supervisory Board Meeting held in Geneva, December 4-5, 2019
Understanding that 2020 will be decisive for the nuclear arms control system and consequently for strategic stability, recognizing the efforts of the above mentioned organizations to prevent nuclear catastrophe and having deliberated as a conference on June 4-5 in Rome and as a Supervisory Board on December 4-5 in Geneva, we propose the following Road Map for these most urgent actions
The participants of the 10th Anniversary Conference of the International Luxembourg Forum on Preventing Nuclear Catastrophe wish to communicate their extreme concern about the present state of international security
It should be possible for the United States and Russia to reiterate in one fashion or another the basic tenet that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. If they are unable to lend their support to this fundamental principle, any comments they might make about the enduring value of the NPT at the next Review Conference will have a hollow ring, writes William C. Potter, Director of the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies (MIIS)
Nuclear weapons won’t play a role in fighting contemporary threats like the pandemic and climate change Americans are facing one of the greatest challenges in our nation’s history. More than 160,000 of our loved ones, friends and neighbors have died from COVID-19, surpassing all those who perished in every U.S. conflict after World War II combined. And yet Congress is about to authorize $740 billion for the Pentagon next year without rethinking our approach to national security. We are still spending most of these dollars on yesterday’s threats.
The recent Democratic and Republican national conventions did not offer any particular surprises. They merely confirmed the current balance of power in both parties before the November presidential elections. As expected, the Republicans rallied behind the incumbent President Donald Trump, while the Democrats put their faith in former Vice President Joe Biden
The Trump administration announced on July 24 that it would unilaterally reinterpret how the United States will implement the 35-nation Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) in order to expedite sales of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) to other countries. The move, which has been widely expected for some time, follows years of lobbying from major U.S. weapons manufacturers to allow more rapid export of large drones to a wider array of potential buyers.
Seventy-five years after the horrific atomic attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we all still live under the existential threat of a catastrophic nuclear war. Although citizen pressure and hard-nosed U.S. diplomacy have yielded agreements that have cut the number of U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons, prevented their proliferation, and banned nuclear testing, there are still far too many nuclear weapons, and the risk of nuclear war is growing.
Since 2010, every year 29th August – the date of permanent closure of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site in `1991 – is observed as the International Day Against Nuclear Tests to promote awareness and education “about the effects of nuclear weapon test explosions or any other nuclear explosions and the need for their cessation as one of the means of achieving the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world”.
In the current system of treaty relations between Russia and the United States for strategic offensive arms (SOAs) control, the existing triad of national strategic nuclear forces (SNF), consisting of the Strategic Missile Forces, naval SNF, and aviation SNF, secures an overall balance and guaranteed nuclear deterrence potential in the short and medium term, specifically through the ability to launch an effective retaliatory strike
President Harry Truman could not have fully understood the power of the atomic bomb when - at his direction - the United States dropped two on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 75 years ago. But once he saw the catastrophic consequences - two cities in ruins, with an ultimate death toll that reached an estimated 200,000 (according to the Department of Energy's history of the Manhattan Project) - Truman determined to never use The Bomb again and sought to "eliminate atomic weapons as instruments of war," (While he later refused to rule out using The Bomb during the Korean War, he ultimately did not take that step)
Seventy-five years ago, U.S. nuclear weapons devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki. For individual human beings, 75 years signals nearness to the end of life. But for the nuclear age, does this anniversary mark the beginning, the middle, or the end?
Speech by David Holloway at the online conference of the International Luxembourg Forum "Intellectual Legacy of Academician Andrey Sakharov and Issues of Strategic Stability"
It is an honor to take part in this conference devoted to the Intellectual Legacy of Academician Andrei Sakharov and issues of strategic stability. Thanks to my friend and colleague Sidney Drell, I had the great good fortune to meet Andrei Dmitrievich twice, once in his apartment in Moscow in June 1987, when he spoke to me about the history of the Soviet atomic project, and again in August 1989, not long before his death, when he and Elena Bonner gave a seminar at Stanford on the recent turbulent session of the Congress of People’s Deputies of the Soviet Union. But our topic today is strategic stability in the light of Sakharov’s intellectual legacy
Speech by Frank von Hippel at the online conference of the International Luxembourg Forum "Intellectual Legacy of Academician Andrey Sakharov and Issues of Strategic Stability"
I first learned of Sakharov when I read the translation of his great essay, Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom, in the New York Times on July 22, 1968. I realized that the Soviet authorities had not succeeded in stamping out intellectual freedom in the Soviet Union and that here was a world-class intellect with a proposal for how to end the Cold War. I was very excited for several days.
July 14 marks the fifth anniversary of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA, commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal or Iran deal). In terms of its importance for the preservation of the nuclear non-proliferation regime, the JCPOA stands abreast with the fundamental document, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), which came in force exactly 50 years ago on March 5, 1970